Image: Jim Cooke
This story was supposed to be about abortion pills. I intended to write about how a federal judge temporarily suspended the Food and Drug Administration rule that forced patients to pick up the pills in person, from either a hospital or clinic—a significant barrier to early abortion. But when I pitched the editor of this story, she wrote back to tell me that it was a good idea, and important to cover, but difficult to get anyone to read about. Even on a site like Jezebel, where a large swath of the audience is ostensibly interested in the topic, a reported piece on abortion was likely to get little engagement. Why was that, she asked, and how could we get readers to care about something like an FDA regulation?
This question stung at first, but it was the sting of recognition: I’ve written about reproductive rights for years, and rarely has it been the boon to readership my editors hoped. I wanted to find a satisfying answer not so I could get more people to click on my stories, but to solve a problem that I’m positive is structural.
Attacks on abortion rights are constant, but they don’t register for most people unless they reach the Supreme Court or, like the spate of six-week bans that blanketed the South last year, they are too outrageous to ignore. It is difficult to get readers to pay attention to the more subtle infringements on access, even though those infringements—from waiting periods to restrictions on public funding and insurance loopholes—are the most common and effective obstacles to the procedure.
Over the last few years, tens of thousands of people in the United States have turned to the internet to buy pills to give themselves abortions because decades of anti-choice lawmaking has made the procedure inaccessible. (This is a safe and effective way to have an abortion, but not everyone’s preferred method.) And that is to say nothing of those who are unable, in the end, to find a way to end their pregnancy, like the patients Diane Greene Foster followed in her famous Turnaway Study, who were denied care because they missed the gestational limit in their states. The course of a life, Foster concluded, changed dramatically based on whether or not a person who wanted an abortion got one.
Every day, esoteric policy and legislation might be imperceptibly transforming the lives of friends, family members, and colleagues. I desperately hoped that there was an answer to my editor’s question because it would determine the way people thought about and understood abortion—if they thought about it at all.
Three years ago I worked at a legacy news outlet where I got paid by the click. The company gave its staff writers meager base salaries, and then doled out monthly bonuses based on how much traffic we each brought in. The news director explained the arrangement to me after I had gone in to interview for a position on the publication’s news desk, where she wanted me to write about “women’s issues.” She assured me that every writer hit a million clicks a month no matter what they covered, which was equivalent to a bonus of about $3,000.
The whole enterprise sounded dubious, but I briefly considered that I might become “rich” writing about so-called women’s issues. (At 24, a rich person was someone who made more than $50,000 a year.) I don’t think I ever got close to a million clicks, though other people did. A reporter whose beat was “the Trump family” was often well on his way to two million some months, and I would sulk in my cubicle thinking about how he probably made twice my income.
At that particular publication, writing about reproductive rights didn’t pay, literally. The click economy wasn’t friendly to stories about crisis pregnancy centers or Title X funds, and sometimes even my editors seemed to consider my pitches too tedious. I once spent several days trying to persuade an editor to let me write something more in-depth about a Trump administration official who had tried to block immigrant teens from abortion, but he remained unconvinced, telling me it was too in the weeds.
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