Illustration: Angelica Alzona/GMG
Last year, Lydia Kiesling and her husband decided they couldn’t afford to live in San Francisco anymore. Her husband made a steady income, and Kiesling knew she could bring in a certain amount of money every month as a freelance writer, but housing in San Francisco is notoriously expensive. Just as expensive were preschool and childcare for their two daughters: At one point Kiesling and her husband were paying $3,145 a month for this care, what Kiesling told me would be considered “cheap” for San Francisco prices.
Kiesling’s husband began a job search that eventually landed their family in Portland, Oregon, where preschool was slightly cheaper, but still a significant chunk of a family’s income. It was also where a years-long campaign for free universal preschool was beginning to ramp up for the 2020 election, led in part by the local Democratic Socialists of America chapter. After hearing about the campaign from another writer, Kiesling logged onto the Portland DSA Slack one day, popped into the channel for universal pre-K, and was immediately greeted by Emily von W. Gilbert, a DSA member who was spearheading the initiative. She invited Kiesling to grab a coffee (these were pre-pandemic times) and asked her how she wanted to help.
Soon, Kiesling was proofreading copy for the campaign’s website, soliciting signatures from strangers in the park to get the measure on the ballot, and, on one occasion, explaining the details of the policy to skeptical mothers in the comments of a Facebook group for local moms.
“I’m not sure I changed anyone’s mind,” Kiesling said. “But I think I helped people who were already onboard understand how it would work, and I felt like that’s how I contributed.”
Universal preschool passed as a ballot measure in Multnomah County in November, winning 64 percent of the vote. Under the policy, all children ages three and four can attend preschool tuition-free, no matter how much their family earns. The measure also makes it so that preschool teachers are paid on par with kindergarten teachers, taking the annual income of a lead pre-K teacher from $31,000 to $74,000. The entire legislative package is funded by a marginal tax rate on the county’s highest earners—that is, by taxing the rich. There’s no other policy in the country quite like it.
The story of Multnomah’s success in passing universal pre-K is a story of coffee dates like von W. Gilbert and Kiesling’s. It’s a story of gathering signatures in front yards in the spring, or at Black Lives Matter protests over the summer. It’s about patience, cooperation, and compromise. And it’s about the hard work of many different women—socialist organizers, elected officials, mothers, childless women, healthcare workers, childcare workers, and everyday volunteers—who believed it was in their power to make things a little easier for their neighbors.
Von W. Gilbert had been working on the universal pre-K campaign for about two years by the time she met up with Kiesling. It started when Portland DSA—one of many DSA branches that sprang up post-2016—began a series of in-depth discussions with local unions and community organizations to get a sense of what kind of change residents wanted to see. Portlanders overwhelmingly agreed that the most pressing issue was the city’s housing crisis. At first, von W. Gilbert worried that housing was too massive and thorny an issue for the DSA alone to solve. But after a few more conversations, she realized that when people talked about what made housing unaffordable they often ended up talking about the costs of childcare.
“We were like, OK, if we’re able to intervene with that part of living costs for working families then we’ve effectively done something that allows them to stay in their housing,” von W. Gilbert told me. “Even though the initial emergency was housing we found another way to address it.”
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