‘Himpathy’ Is Making Colleges Suspicious of Women Students Who Report Sexual Assault
New research reveals alarming examples of how sympathy for men accused of sexual violence worked its way into one university's Title IX office.
In Depth 
                            Photo: Mark Peterson/Corbis
In 2015, when Sage Carson was a sophomore, she went to her university’s Title IX office to report her sexual assault. There, she encountered a process so drawn out that it felt purposefully designed to wear her down until she withdrew her report and her assailant, a senior, graduated. Administrators she worked with emphasized that they “were really worried about possibly telling him he’s not going to graduate, how unfair that would be to him,” Carson recently recalled to Jezebel.
She wouldn’t learn the term “himpathy” until years later, but that’s what she’d experienced: gendered sympathy for men, specifically when they’re held accountable for their own mistreatment of women—as in, the “himpathy” President Trump felt for Justice Brett Kavanaugh when, during Kavanaugh’s 2018 confirmation hearing for the Supreme Court, Christine Blasey Ford accused him of sexually assaulting her when they were teens. “Himpathy” lives at the heart of campus Title IX offices, according to an academic article by Dr. Nicole Bedera published in the Journal of Higher Education in April, thwarting women students when they walk through the office doors to try to report their own assaults. And there are many who do so: Approximately one in four women undergraduates is victimized by sexual assault—an act perpetrated by one in 10 male college students, according to one study.
Through observation at one large public university’s Title IX office between 2018 and 2019, and 76 interviews with Title IX administrators and students at the unnamed university, Bedera found that in most cases, Title IX administrators determined the trauma that women victims incurred was either too severe for the university to even try to remedy, or that the women were “hysterical.” Sometimes administrators determined that neither party was lying when they had different perspectives on how a sexual encounter had transpired, with women saying they were harmed and men recounting a consensual encounter. But in such cases, men’s proclamations of innocence were valued above women saying they were violated. An attitude that assailants are unfairly punished for engaging in typical “boys will be boys” behavior also prevailed. At the time, MeToo had just entered the cultural mainstream, and with it came significant backlash led by men’s rights activists. “Universities became very interested in trying to prove men’s rights activists wrong, in saying they were unfair toward men,” Bedera, a sexual violence researcher and doctoral candidate at the University of Michigan, told Jezebel.

To Carson, who went on to advocate for campus survivors through Know Your IX, “himpathy” is also a reaction to girls failing to just be girls: “There’s this puritanical aspect of it that tells us ‘good girls forgive’—that if you are filing complaints against him, you’re not a good girl, you’re not fitting within your gender norm,” she said. “Because you should be forgiving. You should be kind. And if not, you should be punished.” She’s come to see “himpathy” ultimately as a tool of gender role enforcement on college campuses.
“You can feel icky about it, but that also doesn’t mean you have to be mad at someone else”
Title IX offices are tasked with addressing gender-based discrimination, including sexual violence, on university campuses. But Bedera encountered jarring beliefs about victims and even disinterest in doing the job among employees at the Title IX office where she conducted her research. In her article, “I Can Protect His Future, But She Can’t Be Helped: Himpathy and Hysteria in Administrator Rationalizations of Institutional Betrayal,” she writes that administrators “complained” that their jobs felt like unnecessary “oversight of students’ dating lives” and “wished that students would just ‘manage these problems on their own.’” An administrator identified as Kim told Bedera about a male student accused of sexual assault whom she sympathized with, as he was forced to stop pledging a fraternity.
Title IX administrators explained to Bedera that assaults were often misunderstandings—one reduced victims’ trauma to “icky feelings”: “If you feel icky about it, you can feel icky about it… But that also doesn’t mean you have to be mad at someone else,” they said. Another administrator cited a victim she believed was only reporting her assailant as “revenge” for his infidelity, seemingly ignoring a death threat the assailant had sent the victim. And if a reported assault was too overtly violent for administrators to minimize, Bedera observed that administrators would pivot to language about how sanctions were bandaids anyway: “[A punishment] doesn’t fix it,” one administrator told her. He continued: “A lot of times, I end up feeling bad for everyone, right? Because people get kicked out of school and then they’re going to go work at Burger King and sexually harass people at Burger King. [Laughter.]” A “good outcome,” the best outcome, another administrator reasoned, was for all parties to walk away from the Title IX office unsatisfied.
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